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REMARKS OF TH E 

HON. EDWIN D. MORGAN, 

ON BEING CALLED TO PRESIDE AT THE MEETING IIELD AT 

COOPER IISTSTITTXTIE, 3ST. IT. CITY, 

ON THE EVENING OF OCT. 16th, 1867, to RATIFY TEE REP-UBLICAN STATE NOMINATIONS, 

.«•♦♦*. . 

PUBLISHED BY THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON, D. C. 



We have assembled for the purpose of expressing our opinions upon the 
proceedings of the late Republican State Convention, and to ratify and con- 
firm its nominations. 

\Yhile the Convention took due pains to ascertain the fitness of the sever- 
al candidates, yet every Elector, before depositing his ballot, is entitled to 
any information we may possess as to the character and qualifications of 
each nominee. I cheerfully offer such as I am enabled to present. It has 
been my privilege to enjoy the personal acquaintance of nearly all the gen- 
tlemen whose names have been placed upon our State ticket. Most of them 
have served in the war for theUnion,somc have received irrecoverable wounds 
upon the battle-field, others have served in the Legislature and in Congress 
with great usefulness and honor — all are capable men, spotless in private 
character, and worthy of our most zealous support, worthy the cordial and 
unqualified endorsement of our party, and this I believe they will have. 

You will, I trust, pardon me for occupying a few minutes of your time 
upon one or two subjects of National concern. The country needs repose. 
In this all agree. Every interest with which parties have directly to do, 
political, sociaLand financial, demands this. And each equally demand 
that the pacification shall spring from causes of an enduring nature. Prom- 
inent among the questions upon which the people throughout the country 
are divided is that of reconstructing the States lately in rebellion. The 
President, although chosen by the party to which Ave belong, favors the im- 
mediate admission into Congress of those gentlemen claiming seats from 
that section,.who will takt tko oath of allegiance noiv, without reference to 
their past conduct, and without asking conditions ot any Km* , .— -. 



Ess4- 



the accomplishment of that end he steadily exercises the powers of his great 
office. 

Congress, on the other hand, while willing to waive all claims to indem- 
nity for the past, demands security for the future. In view of the frightful 
train of evils from which the country has just emerged, and the origin of 
which to some extent yet exists, is this unreasonable ? If not, how is the 
indemity to be obtained ? The people who rebelled and engaged in war 
against the nation, constitute a large majority of the white population in all 
the late insurrectionary 'States. This majority is so large as entirely to con- 
trol political affairs therein. Are then the whites of those States.who were 
loyal throughout the struggle, and who now in their helplessness look to us 
iVu- protection to have no efficient voice in the inevitable questions of adjust- 
ment? Are the Freedruen, Avho have so faithfully served the national cause, 
to occupy no highor civil status than before the abolishment of slavery ? Are 
there no dangers of another rebellion to be provided against whenever it 
shall suit the purposes of the authors of the late one, and their imitators to 
bring it about, if we, without imposing checks, so quickly clothe Beaure- 
gard, Breckenridge, Toombs, Sernmes, Benjamin, Sliclell, Mason, and lead- 
ing fellow-rebels, with power ? Had it been supposed that these men and 
their associates were to be re-seated in Congress so soon as their Confederacy 
was annihilated, think you the State of New York could have enrolled, in 
a period of ninety days, eighty-seven thousand of its sons, the youth and flow- 
er of the commonwealth, and that too for a three years' service, as was done 
during the last year I had the honor to be the occupant of the Executive 
chair ? 

Surely, had this question been submitted to those two great soldiers, fresh 
from the two chief cities of the South, and familiar with the spirit of the 
people there — Sheridan and Sickles — whose wisdom in peace rivals their 
(U'QiU in war, and in whose honor our huzzas were so recently given that the 
echo has scarce died away, would they not have counselled caution? And is 
their well-matured opinion worth nothing in this respect ? Indeed, if the in- 
surgent spirit is wholly quelled in the Fifth and Third Military Districts, 
why were these patriotic officers displaced ? 

Congress, in view of the dangers to which prudence could not be blind, 
has seen fit to impose certain conditions precedent to the admission of those 
States, as it was their right not only, but their solemn duty to do. What is 
this requisite guaranty? The essential element is that loyal men, without re- 
gard to color, shall participate in the reconstruction of those States. But 
this would enfranchise the blacks! Most certainly, for in this way only can 
we afford protection to them and to loyal Avhites. Whatever we might think 
of the wisdom of such a measure as an abstract question, we are forced to 
concede its imperative necessity as a r v af ^; ai une. It is a necessity grow- 






But I say to you, my fellow-citizens, that impartial manhood suffrage and 
popular education are alone the true safe-guards against future civil disorder 
at the South, and while the same reason for such a measure does not apply to 
the loyal State?, yet we cannot lay claim to the exercise of that equal and 
exact justice to all which should be our boast until the same principle is rec- 
ognized at the North. 

When the condition imposed by Congress shall be complied with, loyal 
representatives from the ten unreconstructed States will be admitted into the 
Houses of Congress with the same alacrity as were received the representa- 
tives from Tennessee when that State complied with the terms imposed. — 
What better pledge is required by the South ? The great body of C< i\ 
are anxious for the admission of these States. You are familiar with the 
events which thrust the grave duty of opening a way for reconstruction sole- 
ly upon that body. They believe the country favors their plan, and they 
will insist, soberly and dispassionately, upon the condition it imposes; but 
they would hail with satisfaction the return of the States which now, in the 
felicitous words of Mr. Lincoln, "are out of their proper relation to the Un- 
ion." I repeat and emphasize the assertion that the South have only to 
comply with the plain, simple conditions here specified to take their places 
again in the National Legislature. 

Next in importance as a political question is that of the public debt and 
our national finances. The business of the country has so long been con- 
ducted upon a largely depreciated papercurrency, to which the people have 
become accustomed, and, to some extent, satisfied, that adequate efforts are 
not being made for an early return to specie payments. This is our great 
error ; and from it comes a brood of others, among which is a proposition 
put forth by a few public men, to pay one of the great popular classes of 
United States bonds in greenbacks instead of coin, even indeed, to antici- 
pate their maturity for this purpose and thus add immensely to our circula- 
tion and greatly to enhance the cost of all commodities of daily life. We 
want neither this nor any other scheme of quasi repudiation. In the prov- 
idence of God, the national arms sustained throughout by the peoples' sav- 
ings, conquered the rob. Hion. And so far we have been enabled to meet 
every engagement and sacredly to fulfil every obligation with the public 
creditor, and with honest management we shall continue to do so. The debt 
was fairly contracted and must be fairly paid, without subterfuge or change 
in terms. On this subject it is the duty of the country to speak plainly and 
emphatically, that its voice may be heard in the Halls of Congress, for no 
representative will for a great length of time urge opinions essentially dif- 
ferent from those held by the people he represents. He may indeed drift 
away for a time, but the tide that ebbs is not more sure also to flow than is 
the representative to heed at length the voice of his constituents, the source 
of all political power. 

Re-establish, then, your currency upon a specie basis, and all these ques- 
tions, numerous, delicate and vital, touching payment in coin of the princi- 
pal of the five-twenty bonds, will vanish from our sight. Until then frown 
down every attempt, come from whatever quarter it may, to tamper with or 
to repudiate one farthing of ttat just debt, representing as it does unswerv- 
ing out of the condition produced by theieWiiior,. remedial in its nature. — 



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013 744 668 6 ^ 

ing popular faith and the sublime self-reliance of our people, and incurred 
to maintain, by force of arms, the honor and integrity of the. Union of the 
States. 

Closely related to this is the question of taxation, state and national. — 
Firm as must be our purpose inviolably to maintain the public obligations, 
it is equally the duty of Congress and the State Legislature to meet every 
proposition tending to increase taxation where not demanded by the sound- 
est statesmanship, with emphatic refusal. Industry languishes under exces- 
sive taxation, and must be disenthralled. Commercial, agricultural and 
mechanical interests all feel the present burthens which grow more and 
more onerous, and will continue to do so as currency gravitates toward a 
gold value. Our internal revenue laws need revision and readjustment. — 
They must be made to secure the collection of taxes on commodities that 
now largely escape. We must reduce the number of articles taxed, and we 
must also lessen the number of officials whocollect these taxes. Public and 
private economy, coupled with the recuperative forces of our national char- 
acter, our invincible and elastic energy and enlightened enterprise, will speed- 
ily set all industries again in motion, and thus soon restore the losses sustain- 
ed in our material interests during the war. 

Other questions of importance on which parties arc divided occur to me, 
and but for the overshadowing moment of those to which I have referred, 
would now claim discussion; butimitating the wisdom evinced in our plat- 
form, we should refer all save these leading ones, to a, future canvass, and 
unite our energies for the performance of the duty of the hour. From this 
purpose Ave must not turn aside. You remember that General Grant, when 
asked by Mr. Lincoln, on one occasion, why the army of the Potomac had 
failed to take Richmond, replied, "because it had never fought its battles 
through." This must not be our error. It was the mission of the Republic 
can party to put down armed rebellion and end the war. The great concom- 
itant question of that struggle — reconstruction, is forced forward for settle- 
ment, and until it is disposed of, our work in that direction is not done. Six- 
teen months of our late venerated President's second term yet remain ; time 
enough, while yet his benignant influence lingers in the places that so recent- 
ly knew him, for the adjustment of this question. 

Some of the late elections have not resulted as favorably as we wished, but 
instead of these reverses affording cause of discouragement they should stim- 
ulate us to greater exertion. The most powerful party cannot be always and 
everywhere successful. Causes of a local or temporary nature will now and 
then thrust themselves in to divert us from our more important work, and 
for a time weaken its hold upon some. But will we falter now, after the 
sacrifice of hundreds of millions of treasure, after the State has sent, from 
its farms, its counting-houses, and its professional ranks, four hundred and 
fifty-five thousand, live hundred and sixty-eight earnest men, to uphold in 
the field the interests for which we still contend — patriots, whom we will ever 
bear in our hearts; thousands of whom were maimed and disabled, and 
tens of thousands of whom sealed their devotion with their lives? No, we 
will profit by experience, and strive, in view of all the interests at stake, with 
redoubled vigilance, to ratify at the polls what has been well done in Con- 
vention; and if success shall crown our efforts right upon the heels of these 
temporary reverses in other States, ©urs will be the nobler triumph, the 
grander victory. 

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE GREAT REPUBLIC, WASHINGTON, D. C. 



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